The Trouble With Being American

Note: This piece, you’ll find, is dated. It was written during an Indian summer late last year. Fearing it to be too much of a drag, I wavered and decided, ultimately, to table it. Rereading it in our post-Trump era of accelerating ensauvagement I found my pessimism—and anxiety—hasn’t waned. My country is diseased. It is bipolar. I worry, perhaps like any loving son, that it is “on the skids.” But this is not so much an obituary as a portrait of the nation as an old man.

“Do you have the nagging feeling something is wrong with you?” 

I note the sensation of being reeled-in; the mononymous “Sadiq,” sender of the unsolicited email, is on (up?) to something. His premise—promise—is tantalizingly nonspecific—the second coming of Christ would be a close analogue—and yet augurs my own prophecy of an impending, streamlined solution (“Click here now!”) to the Gordian knot that is this year: “Become the man you used to be, guaranteed!” Not only does Sadiq divine with surgical precision two cherished pet afflictions, my nostalgia and Weltschmerz; he pledges, with a rinky-dink brand of pomaded enthusiasm, to fix me up. The mensch.

What is the matter with me? I’m constipated, lethargic, undersexed, underemployed. (Full disclosure: I’m now full-time.) On occasion my ticker trips into and out of an arrhythmia of free jazz. (Think Sun Ra & His Intergalactic Solar Arkestra.) I fall asleep to reruns of Firing Line and wake up besieged by dreams of Brooks Brothers ties and pens flocking overhead like Canada geese to warmer climes. I have resorted to bottom-shelf syrahs and a flip phone. I am a writer.

“Sorrow,” wrote philosopher Henri Bergson, “begins by being nothing more than a facing towards the past […] And it ends with an impression of crushing failure, the effect of which is that we aspire to nothingness.” Sadiq’s email forgoes elaboration of its seductive carrot—probably it links to a black market trade in phony pills for erectile dysfunction. Decline, and all of its melancholic correlatives, is its implicit theme, at any rate. (The id is willing, but the flesh is weak.) The falling part, in practice less a postscript than the fag end of the same thing, also goes unmentioned—that would be a tad uncouth—but is, at any rate, a well-documented phenomenon (see the Roman Empire, Mankind, the Life Alert lady). I’ll admit my redeemer has hit a spot of bother, and that perhaps I’m lodging a wily serpent scheming to carry me wither I wouldest not. To a psychiatric clinic, for instance. 

How’s that for solipsism? Forgive me—Science insists I am a product of my environment, a child of our time (a child being a “product of conception”). Who would conceive of such times! Such weird times, living out the planned obsolescence of an already defective product. Yes, I am an American. (We are always a decade or two behind Europe.) But orchestrating the ritardando of a nation—President Obama called this “leading from behind”—is a storied pastime. “There is just something missing in everything,” sensed Austrian novelist Robert Musil, “though you can’t put your finger on it.” His book, The Man Without Qualities, was published amid the heinous events of the second World War and the Shoah, yet the sentiment still lingers “in the air.” The essence of deficiency, of a malignant cynicism, the acrid fumes of this summer’s Grand Guignols—I smell rotten eggs. More conspicuously it is in the streets, in our politics, our mores and social (mis)behavior. You’ve seen the pictures. And you know the drill. Revere, Spengler, Toynbee, Houellebecq—the soothsayers of Western Civilization have again lit the lamps of the Old North Church. Only it is not the redcoats, nor a Red Scare, for whom they sound the alarm this time, but for America’s own feral (defective) children (products)—We the People. The call is coming from inside the house. We are haunted. “Are you Cioran by any chance?” the gloomy French philosopher was asked one day by a passerby. “I used to be,” he says.

During a plague the shock value of this realization is somewhat tempered by the circumstances—being indoors is de rigueur. I find myself, in the spirit of A. E. Housman, a “stranger and afraid, in a world I never made,” myopic and pajamaed, betting my salvation on the last great refuge of hucksterism: the spam box. Click here now! Perhaps you can put a finger on it. For a moment, picturing my transfiguration, I feel positively Micawberish, a stupid half-smile lifting in proud defiance of reason to the dead bulk of the computer screen. The mouse hovers over the text, the text over a cheap mystery, mystery over my Sadiq. But I hesitate and navigate the arrow twenty or thirty tabs over to the good stuff, real manna—the ever-breaking news—a dog to his vomit. Kismet be damned. Click. 

To be, or not to be saved. If not the question, it is an apt one for quicksilver times like these. Oswald Spengler is emphatic: “Our duty is to hold on to the lost position, without hope, without rescue.” (From a watery grave Captain Ahab silently pumps his fists.) There will be no champion—Wilfred of Ivanhoe, the disinherited knight, never shows, and Rebecca is burned at the stake. Herod’s minions overtake Bethlehem before Joseph gets word and Christ’s assignment ends with his nativity. Is this the font of my misery? My surmises that the cause is irrevocably lost? That our tale does not end with a “happily ever after”? This is not a spell of triumph for the patriot. The élan vital of the American is gagged, suppressed as much by administrative zealots (“Six feet, or else!”) as interior conflicts of purpose, identity and meaning made inexorable (again) by “the Course of human events.” (Internet pundit Eric Weinstein has observed, “The Big Nap is over.”) Is it—this tohubohu—a cycle of remission and relapse endemic to high culture, perhaps existence on the whole? Something seasonal, like sleep (or journalism, says Terry Teachout), “made to be drifted into—and out of”?

No, “The world has always been in turmoil,” said Whittaker Chambers in the throes of his witness against Alger Hiss and communist infiltration into federal institutions; its dysfunction, in the parlance of Weinstein’s “intellectual dark web,” is a feature, not a bug. (Even the world’s end, warned a sardonic Thomas Merton, “will be legal.”) It has not, however, always collaborated—the nouveaux enfants du siècle with their sympathetic magistrates in corporate towers and government—on such a monolithic scale in its own demise. Defeat—the Éric Zemmours of the age would call it suicide—seems the point, erasure the intended effect, death—in classic Freudian gloom—“the goal of all life,” if not the bread of it.

What on earth is wrong with us? Bruce Robinson’s cult classic Withnail and I makes a prescient diagnosis from the bowels of better days (“For whom?” I hear my critics howl), Tom Wolfe’s “‘Me’ decade”: “We are indeed drifting into the arena of the unwell, making an enemy of our own future. What we need is harmony, fresh air, stuff like that.” But, “what dreams may come,” warns The Bard, “must give us pause.” Some three centuries on, the wounds of Dresden and Dachau still wet, Aldous Huxley gussies them up: “the dream of Order begets tyranny, the dream of Beauty, monsters and violence.” And the dream of Power, I’d add, begets deceit. “Swords will be drawn to prove that leaves are green in summer,” smirked G. K. Chesterton. Imagine his heartburn at the prospect of trading blows with a buxom, expecting “woman” who only yesterday made water standing up.

If only we could speak of little leaves! (“The fundamental task is to achieve smallness,” argued economist E. F. Schumacher.) For it is happening, again—tawny and fire engine red ones, frostbitten and dislodged by rain, have bunched at the curb and wedged their petioles into the windshields of cars that no longer go anywhere. Piled like bones they give cover to toddlers and fumbled footballs. And in the evenings, with a breeze, they skitter like rats across lawns, break up and into quiet houses on the soles of wet cleats. The dream of Summer begets the Fall “with slow and lingering descent,” as Rilke observed. “It is the law.” He who has eyes to see, let him weep.

Perhaps I’m dressing our dilemma in so much poetry because this moment looks and sounds so predictably dreary, so much like the perfect realization of Guy Debord’s “spectacle” that affirms the degradation of life into mere appearance and script. (“There is life no longer,” says Theodore Adorno.) I haven’t read The Man In the Gray Flannel Suit but I feel a sequel—how about They/Them In the Drawstring Black Hoodie—may be in the offing, ripe as the moment is for caricature and “deconstruction.” In the dream of the Clean Slate devotees of The Good Life are seduced by and subsumed in a one-dimensional, vulgar and banal preoccupation called organizing. (Or disorganizing, if you’d rather.) You’ve seen these pictures, too. To paraphrase Alexis de Tocqueville, nothing is less poetic than the life of a man in these United States. (Our women fare somewhat better, save the Cardi Bs and HRCs who seem to have confused the deadly sins for the heavenly virtues.) Case in point: this generation’s fetish for disorder. Having scorched the good in search of novelty, they turn to the bad and call it good. Hence, “the highest degree of illusion,” says Ludwig Feuerbach, “comes to be the highest degree of sacredness.”

I confess, it’s got me down in the mouth, all this talk of “burning it down,” of endings and decay. Even Angela Merkel, Germany’s indefatigable chancellor, sometimes longs “for a room in which I can go to be sad.” Her disarming admission—not for nothing is she endearingly nicknamed “Mutti,” or “Mommy”—is perhaps evidence of a collective wish for less, for the world (of Gene Deitch’s The Hobbit) “before men came to power and ruined magic forever.” (Ladies, carpe diem.) Perhaps we long to turn off, to return, as Milan Kundera imagines in The Joke, to the “mute stage of evolution when there were no words and people communicated by simple gestures, pointing at trees, laughing, touching one another.” The days, wrote Ralph Waldo Emerson (preempting psychedelia), when, “Earth laugh[ed] in flowers.” She must cry now in bullhorns, riot shields and tattoos. 

Must she cry now in bullhorns, riot shields and tattoos? All these wagging fingers and judge-y tongues; it’s too much. (I hear the Grinch—and my dad—lamenting, “All the noise, noise, noise, noise!”) “You’re too this, not enough that,” yell the Little Caesars. It’s hell, said novelist André Malraux of “the attempt to force human beings to despise themselves,” to saddle them like he-goats with the crimes of the dead. Yes, the mot juste for it—the mood, I mean, in these United States—is diabolical. Stańczykian. Do you know the painting? Jan Matejko’s Stańczyk during a Ball at the Court of Queen Bona in the Face of the Loss of Smoleńsk. A crestfallen jester, stunned by news of his country’s defeat on the battlefield, sits alone in contemplation, his bauble tossed aside. To his right, in lavish digs, the royals and their flatterers muck it up, unperturbed. To his left a shooting (falling?) star streaks across the night sky, a portent of doom. 

Are we not losing Smoleńsk, too? The news stings—syphilis cases in Alaska are double last year’s tally—and dumbfounds—Scots, for fear of a second pandemic, are not permitted to visit another’s home until the ministers of Riaghaltas na h-Alba say, “jump.” And the French, once the fierce stewards of liberté, nonetheless tolerate the despotic insults of Manu’s ecology minister, who has put the kibosh on traditions of “totally unjustified energy consumption,” such as drinking coffee on a heated terrace in winter. Because climate change, as the kids say these days. Skolstrejk för klimatet! Dodge one hell only to be thrust into another. 

Why have we largely acquiesced to, and even accommodated, such ham-handed top-down perversions of the social contract? Because we despair, poet Les Murray would say. “You feel beneath help, beneath the reach even of Godhead.” The new vernacular we parrot with the same enthusiasm of the cognoscenti through muzzles—Peter Hitchens-ese for “masks”—festooned with demands (“Vote,” “Stay home,” “Wear a mask!”), demagoguery (“This was preventable,” “Masks shouldn’t be political,” “I can’t breathe!”) and run-of-the-mill shout-y slogans (“Read my lips”). Voices, disembodied and vague, somehow slither through, but they are the thrown utterances of the ventriloquist dummy—all eyes, no mouth. The effect is unsettling, surreal—spooky action at a socially sanctioned distance—and deceptive. Frankly, the act—and it is a strange, boring breed of performance art—is unworthy of a people commanded to “love thy neighbor.” For the heart is wicked—what it cannot trust it will doubt and dismiss, or worse.

We take the face, said the late Roger Scruton, “very seriously.” It is “the image of the soul within” and, if God’s word has any currency, that of our Maker, too. The surgeon, the trick-or-treater, the skier and bride veil theirs—for protection, make-believe, warmth, seduction—with an understanding that it is abnormal, a brief caesura in the routine. The criminal shares in the custom but hides his in order to exploit. Such is the power of the face in a free society—that its concealment, contra that of our bodies, is largely objectionable. Scruton pushes even more forcefully: a covered face broadcasts plans “to take advantage of the community without belonging to it.” France (again, but in a more sober state of mind), instead of compromising their allegiance to fraternité, had the gall to ban the burqa and niqab. For the protean American, loyal only to her feelings (and followers), this level of conviction—of (gasp!) discrimination—is likely too “problematic.” (Dare I say, racist?) 

And that’s the rub—whatever its value in mitigating the spread of disease, the mandate to cover the face has benefited one figure unfailingly: the social engineer. He has not been idle, reconfiguring the world—to the specs of Hannah Arendt—into one primed for “the experience of not belonging to the world at all.” The pandemic (and its stooges) has made of us émigrés—trespassers, really—within our own communities. The effect is not unlike the modish carnivalization of cities into mises en scène of amusement and spectacle at the expense of livability; authenticity is sacrificed at the altar of vanity. (A visitor to my hometown may solicit a “wheel of fortune” to decide for him the next stop on his tour of mindless debauchery.) The celebration of autonomy—remember that?—can now preclude that of others and will even be officially endorsed in designated (occupied) spaces replete, like Russian matryoshka dolls, with smaller segregated “free speech zones,” a kabab stand, “grief rituals” and screenings of Paris Is Burning (see Seattle’s Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone). Little is more American than secession—we have been “bowling alone” for decades, at will. But we do so now by fiat and custom (or—see above—illegal commandeering), finding solidarity (or is it sorrow?) in our shared uselessness and isolation, creature from creature, just as sin divides creation from Creator. 

Decline, disenchantment, separation—these are staples of the human condition, the nougat-y center of dis-ease that is the perennial experience of living in finitude. Eve eats the apple. Oedipus fills his eyes with the dagger-like pins of Jocasta’s brooch. The limp flesh of neighbors and brothers in blue and gray turns Antietam Creek an unnatural rouge. New York City health officials press the amorous to fornicate through a hole in the wall—to mitigate the risk of infection from COVID-19—while men in pillow-white hazmat suits dig mass graves on nearby Hart Island for the virus’ kinless victims. The horror! The horror! As a day is to God like a thousand years, and a thousand years a day, so it is with human folly. We are, in 2020, still immersed in the arguments and atmospheres of 1862, 1968 and Eden. Sadiq’s bait was a ruse—the snake! We are already the men we used to be. 

Blame free will, peeve of the bipedal animal that aspires to immortality. This little piggy wants what he should not. This one wants too much. Perhaps Walker Percy’s Little Way, “not the big search for the big happiness but the sad little happiness of drinks and kisses, a good little car and a warm deep thigh” is enough. But moderation long ago went the way of the lamplighter, percipience the way of the cloister. Blame serpents. Blame the arc of history. (I hear Bill Buckley, with a mouthful of Red Wing peanut butter, still yelling, “Shhtop!”) We have a rendezvous with destiny, do we not? Think of it—a New America! Who cares if the way to it is crooked or straight, paved in strife or love, lies or truth? (Pontius Pilate, his arms draped about my Sadiq, shrugs, “What is truth?”) Let the leaves fall. It all ends in tears anyway.

Image: Matejko, Jan. Stańczyk during a Ball at the Court of Queen Bona in the Face of the Loss of Smoleńsk. 1862, the National Museum, Warsaw.

The Revolution Will Be Symphonized

“For me the question has always been [about] power,” says poet Nikki Giovanni, self-described “black militant,” to writer James Baldwin—nodding in accord—on a 1971 episode of Soul!—the variety show—both railing cigarette after cigarette. She continues: “I would sell my soul, ya know what I mean? Y’all can have Jesus. Give me the world. Give it to me, or I will take it.”

Giovanni’s take is not atypical of black liberation rhetoric, which, as she and Baldwin demonstrate, is as prone to hyperbole as any strain of political enterprise. “The bill is in,” Baldwin notes later in the conversation, speaking obliquely to his white countrymen. “We paid it. Now it’s your turn.” Ignore, for the moment, Baldwin’s assertion of only two years prior—made on The Dick Cavett Show—that any notion of the black revolution as vengeance is the product of the “guilty white imagination.” He was, decidedly, a proud prophet of the oppressed (in the black community, anyway), who, as philosopher Bertrand Russell wisely observed, “only wish to become oppressors in their turn: life is nothing but a competition to be the criminal rather than the victim.” Consider the not-so-subtle intimations of a phrase like Black Is King, the title of Queen Bey’s forthcoming record.

Of Algerians in France—”with their turbans and their djellabas”—biographer Julian Jackson recalls Charles De Gaulle having said, “Try and integrate oil and vinegar. Shake the bottle. After a moment they separate again.” Such is, arguably, the fate of most projects that attempt to subsume disparate peoples into one monolithic body politic, even those who share a mother tongue. Does that mean such efforts are without merit? The United States, with its founding documents and revolutionary origins promising radical liberties, has erected a legal and philosophical apparatus—perhaps the most just in existence—to perform such a task: the unification of human beings, whatever their origins, under an umbrella of universal ideals. 

But humans are fallible. The papers proved more resolute than the flesh. Slavery undoubtedly violated that covenant. Jim Crow laws undoubtedly violated that covenant. Is atonement possible in a relationship defined as much by its transgressions as its potential for fraternity? Malcolm X called integration “only a trick.” And Baldwin bragged, “We cannot be accommodated.” The truth, of course, is much more convoluted. Humanity, again, is fallible—fallen, if you subscribe to one of the Abrahamic traditions. Guilty, in other words. Should we not be forgiven, none of us, ever?

“One cannot be responsible for what one has not produced,” says Giovanni, countering Baldwin’s quip that, with eight siblings to feed, he feared bringing a child of his own “into the world.” Its analogue on the larger scale of black-white relations is obvious—who is forgivable? Should the descendants of Germany’s Third Reich by liable for the inexcusable crimes of their grandparents? Should anyone of the name Habsburg be treated like filth for sharing a jawline with tyrants of the Holy Roman Empire? Should the residents of Jerusalem forever pay for the murder of Jesus Christ? 

“In the place of justice,” warns Solomon in the Tanakh, “wickedness was there.” While one can find virtue and promise in a cause, one must also be permitted to object to the terms—or the behavior of its representatives, or both—without fear of reprisal. Debate, in other words, in the arena of ideas—not the street—is what distinguishes the progressive society from the primeval. For example, there is a distinction, indecipherable to fanatics, between the obvious—that, yes, black lives matter—and the obscure—that the thinly-veiled Marxist black liberation group, Black Lives Matter, is in fact in pursuit of black supremacy. But alas, conceding that is a bridge too far in the eyes of people who see only in chiaroscuro.

Reconciliation is a country arrived at via conversation between consenting parties. There is no road to it through retributive sport, which is the impassable mountain range into which Black Lives Matter has corralled racial justice discourse. As political theorist Gustave Le Bon observed in The Psychology of Crowds, “An individual can accept contradiction and discussion; a crowd, never.” For, he continues, “The ideas capable of influencing crowds are not rational ideas but feelings expressed in the form of ideas.” There is no good weather to report here, as you can see in the headlines and newsreels of late.

“This is going to be a difficult summer.” Baldwin predicated as much in a speech at the University of California at Berkeley in January of 1979. Exactly six months later, President Jimmy Carter would echo that sentiment in a speech of his own, acknowledging a “crisis of confidence” evident in the “growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.” He was not wrong. America was gripped by recession, by disenchantment in Vietnam, by racial enmity and malaise. But he discerned in the tumult a way forward, a “path of common purpose.” The alternative—one of “fragmentation and self-interest” and “constant conflict between narrow interests”—would almost certainly mire the nation in “paralysis and stagnation and drift.”

It is going to be a difficult summer.

A policeman, dispatched to protect his community, is shot and killed. Black Lives Matter. It is written on their t-shirts, banners and splashed across the private property they commandeer and deface. A business owner, her hands pleading for restraint and understanding, is beaten with a 2×4, her store ransacked and robbed. Black Lives Matter. The Stars and Stripes, flying in celebration of our nation’s birthday, is confiscated and mutilated and set ablaze. Black Lives Matter. For days and nights on end the violence is allowed to continue (largely) unimpeded—in some instances it is tacitly endorsed. Black Lives Matter.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) definition of terrorism is: “The unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.”

Read it again.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) definition of terrorism is: “The unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.”

That’s right: intimidation and coercion “in furtherance of political or social objectives.” Now that the “Shock and Awe” phase of The Revolution has “set the tone,” striking fear into the hearts of ordinary citizens—”You wouldn’t want us to have to burn down your homes next time, would you?”—the campaign has shifted back to the more delicate realm of cultural infiltration and regulatory reform. Yes, back—the disruption of public institutions, universities, media, private companies, nonprofit organizations and individual sovereignty is a phenomenon that has been ongoing, in earnest, for a century, even before the likes of Alger Hiss, the Ware Group and the Rosenbergs. Call it soft terrorism. Sensing an opportunity (and craving legitimacy), however, what was once an underground operation has now surfaced—the mask, as they say, is off. And the true face of Marxism—pimpled, jowly, incensed—is as ugly as ever. 

But unlike the communist subversives of the twentieth century who worked remotely and sub rosa, today’s communist seeks to change the minds of her neighbors and colleagues with, first, subtle social pressure—to “butter them up,” so to speak—and then by militant duress. She knows the American disposition is benevolent and charitable, which she exploits with cunning and perseverance. It is a pageant of naked—and despicable—espionage.

“The revolution—and indeed in the interest of Socialism—demands the absolute submission of the masses to the single will of those who direct the labour process.” Communist mastermind Vladimir Lenin’s accusatorial and threatening The Soviets at Work speech of 1918 provides a template for the coercive aims of Black Lives Matter. There is no room for dissent; they know in order to wield and exercise power you must be a slave to their demands, at home and—crucially—at work, where the stigmatizing of pesky nonconformists is particularly effective. The goal, admits political theorist Herbert Marcuse in Counterrevolution and Revolt, is the “radical reconstruction of society” through the birthing of “a new consciousness: the breaking of the hold of the Establishment over the work and leisure of the people.” 

Whatever the pigmentation of his skin, the black liberation communist—in the evangelical fashion of the Christian, his ideological opposite—seeks to convert, yes. But the comparison stalls out there—he also wants subservience, in every action and every thought. Speaking of leftist organizers in The New York Times Sunday edition, law professor Amna A. Akbar instructs that, “whatever you think of their demands, you have to be in awe of how they inaugurate a new political moment.” You have to be in awe. The tyrannical psychology of the communist, yesterday and today, even demands that you feel what they feel—in contemporary parlance, then, you must “be an ally” and listen.

My local symphony, a once-esteemed outfit, understands this, for their business model is heavily invested in your ears and the expectation that your ears, being tangentially connected to your legs, will walk through their turnstiles every other Saturday evening or so. It is, arguably, inevitable, then, that its administration would make a public declaration in support of Black Lives Matter despite no signal whatsoever from the radical organization that classical music is of any interest to revolutionaries or that it requires reevaluation and “decolonization.” But—I should give them the benefit of the doubt—the symphony directors are not idiots; they know the long arm of social justice reaches well into the arts, and that they will be held accountable—sooner or later—for the “whiteness” of their staff, players and material. Rue the day these supposed stewards of civilization discover the objectives of today’s revolution differ little from those of the original, and that capitulation to their dictates only accelerates it towards its fulfillment. As we learn in Adam B. Ulam’s The Bolsheviks from a resentful proponent of cubism, futurism, all the isms that rendered the art of the Enlightenment obsolete: subversives mean what they say. “In the name of our Tomorrow we shall burn Raphael, demolish museums, melt down the masterpieces of art.” Strike up the band!

In The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy, Christopher Lasch argued wrongly that the object of the “culture wars” was not to impose a new moral code of a minority onto the “incorrigibly racist, sexist, provincial and xenophobic” majority, but to instead build “parallel or ‘alternative’ institutions” from which to initiate systemic social disruption. Indeed, in America’s corporate boardrooms, on her copydesks, mastheads and assembly lines the demands of Black Lives Matter have been adopted wholesale and with little protest. Why make another world? “The point,” Karl Marx vehemently argued, “is to change [this one].”

So, the symphony postures, proposes “actions” and makes “pledges.” The “whole Symphony organization” will be audited to ensure each individual is sufficiently right-minded, culturally and racially. Ravel, Stravinsky, Debussy, Gershwin, Bernstein—one can assume the works of these giants of composition will be newly scrutinized, and with gusto, as part of the promise to collaborate “with diverse groups on programming.” We may never hear “Boléro” again. And why should we? One can assume its creator, a white man, was nothing but a vicious bigot, yes? This is how The Revolution, producing no art of its own (it is, of course and above all, a destructive endeavor), infects even the opera house—it is welcomed in with curtsies.

Nonplussed, I wrote them a letter:

I understand you must, under threat of public disgrace, profess your alignment with a political movement that openly plots to meet any critic with intimidation, humiliation and, if necessary, violence. You wouldn’t want its supporters painting the web—or, God forbid, the front page of the newspaper—with accusations of unforgivable racism in the ranks of your organization.

I understand you must bow to the demands of a movement that has normalized domestic terrorism and swear your allegiance to them for fear of your reputations and social standing in a community that values, über alles, the appearance of perfect tolerance. You must put food on the table.

“Music must be a place free of division,” you insist, as if before the racial convulsions of this spring and summer the consensus was that music is inherently inequitable. As if melody and sound—the very movement of it through air—is unjust and discriminating. Music! You’ve christened it “a place” of division with your rhetoric endorsing the experience of one—and only one—skin color.

Music is prismatic and beautifully elusive—attempts to define, classify, own, partition or control it are laughably futile. I can’t think of any creative medium more amenable to the standards of universal fellowship. And yet, with your call for “racism training” to repair “deep wounds that hold us apart,” you’re suggesting music (and its makers) was, heretofore, somehow deficient, somehow partisan. How insulting.

Of what benefit are your performative pledges—besides inspiring resentment—to the large majority of people in your organization and community who already believe (and participate) wholeheartedly in the American project of building an ever more perfect, colorblind Union?

Your deliberate politicization of perhaps the final refuge of the nonpolitical is, I think, a losing strategy. I used to relish the hours spent bathing, eyes closed, in the sounds your orchestra conjured. No longer.

I suppose I shouldn’t expect an invitation to the next New Year’s Eve gala. I will miss paying $10 for two fingers of cheap white wine in a plastic Solo cup.

Is it bigotry to find diversity-by-fiat detestable and unbecoming of a free citizenry? Is it bigotry to defend the very systems and institutions—capitalism, the presumption of innocence, private property—that our founders devised and heroes improved to promote liberty and equality of opportunity in pursuit of a just meritocracy? Is it bigotry to loath any crusade that promises to destroy reputations and livelihoods if its pronouncements of superiority are resisted? No, no and no.

“What is civilization?” Kenneth Clark asks at the outset of his beloved television show. “I don’t know,” he admits, nonetheless surmising that it deserves credit for shaping Man into “an intelligent, creative, orderly and compassionate animal.” Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris looms behind him. He also ponders if civilization is worth preserving. After all, it’s 1969 and much of the West is deep in the throes of social upheaval and civil unrest, not unlike today. It seems exhausted and unwilling, if not unable, to assert a raison d’être. Its children cannot name their fathers and, instead of creation, aspire to brigandage. “The honkies,” wrote Giovanni in a poem published in 1968, “are getting confused.”

Is it worth preserving? Is Brahms worth defending? Perhaps, as a parting gesture to its patrons, my symphony could bow-out with his famous “Wiegenlied,” or “Lullaby,” as the mezzanine is doused with gasoline and set ablaze. A towering mural of a clenched fist would unfurl from the loge in one discomfiting swoop, and those in attendance would clap and whistle in approval. And as the music faltered behind the crackle of timbered pilasters bursting aflame a chant, unintelligible at first, would build and crescendo into a booming and perfervid declaration some fifteen-hundred voices strong:

“Black Lives Matter. Black Lives Matter. Black Lives Matter.”

Image: Lam, Stephen. “A protest in Oakland, California following the grand jury decision in the shooting of Michael Brown, 25.” The Guardian. Reuters, November 2014. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/jan/17/black-lives-matter-birth-of-a-movement.